How do shock-tactic INGO images shape western perceptions of the developing world?
Introduction
The debate over the impact of negative images on public perception is not a new one. For many, the vast and varied continent of Africa is still associated with images of ‘matchstick-thin wrists of black babies dwarfed by white hands’ from the 1984/5 EthiopianFamine. And although codes of conduct were drawn up in the nineties detailing appropriate use of images, the ‘Live Aid Legacy’ lives on today and images of suffering are still significant earners in fundraising appeals. Vestergaard (2008) argues that brand-savvy aid agencies resort to the use of ‘shock-tactic’imagery to secure their share of donor funding in a crowded marketplace.
This article will discuss the ways in which negative images used in international development agency branding can shape an overly pessimistic view of the situation affecting developing countries, and give rise to a stereotyped impression of the ‘victims’ caught on camera. Such images, it is argued, can potentially impact on audience perception of both their relationship with the subject of the image, and their sense of distance from the people and events portrayed.
The debate over the impact of negative images on public perception is not a new one. For many, the vast and varied continent of Africa is still associated with images of ‘matchstick-thin wrists of black babies dwarfed by white hands’ from the 1984/5 EthiopianFamine. And although codes of conduct were drawn up in the nineties detailing appropriate use of images, the ‘Live Aid Legacy’ lives on today and images of suffering are still significant earners in fundraising appeals. Vestergaard (2008) argues that brand-savvy aid agencies resort to the use of ‘shock-tactic’imagery to secure their share of donor funding in a crowded marketplace.
This article will discuss the ways in which negative images used in international development agency branding can shape an overly pessimistic view of the situation affecting developing countries, and give rise to a stereotyped impression of the ‘victims’ caught on camera. Such images, it is argued, can potentially impact on audience perception of both their relationship with the subject of the image, and their sense of distance from the people and events portrayed.
Image copyright UNICEF
Perception of the situation affecting developing countries
In 2002, 16 years on from the Ethiopian Famine, the VSO Live Aid Legacy Report found that 80% of the UK public still associated developing countries with the ‘images of famine, disaster and Western aid’, which had publicised the 1984/5 drought (Fox 2002: 3). This suggests that the use of negative imagery can make a lasting dent on the public psyche, resulting in an overly pessimistic and out-dated impression of the situation affecting developing countries.
On the other hand, it has been argued that visceral or distressing imagery in international development agency branding simply reflects a reality that the western public needs to face up to. In the online article Aid workers lament rise of “development pornography”, Ruth Gidley quotes development photojournalist Jenny Matthews, pointing to a picture of a tube fed baby, ‘It’s a truth. I’d stand by that’.
In addition, different international development agencies have different goals. For certain organisations negative imagery may prove to be the most appropriate means of conveying a campaign’s key message to its target audience. In an interview conducted for this article, Denise Searle, former communications director with Amnesty International and former Chief of UNICEF’s Internet, Broadcast and Image Section, explains that Amnesty International’s policy tends towards using pictures to shock. This is because the organisation’s central aim is to bring about the cessation of torture. In the article The Amnesty International Global Identity Ciaran Swan expands on this point, arguing that this objective cannot be achieved without communicating ‘the reality of physical pain to those who are not in pain’.
Perception matters because it impacts on behaviour. And central to the debate is the fact that photographs of suffering are often considered to be an effective means of encouraging western audiences to donate, although such images may not empower those depicted, or raise long-term awareness of development issues. Claire Aston, Christian Aid Scotland Media and Communications Manager, who I interviewed for this article explained:
‘Famous images of children with distended stomachs have tended to be used to depict famine and do often result in people donating money to appeal funds. However, Christian Aid does not, as a rule, use these images because they disempower the people portrayed in them.’
In the book States of Denial (2001) Stanley Cohen refers to research carried out for MENCAP. Two sets of posters were produced; one showing mentally handicapped people as capable and the other showing ‘hopelessness’ and ‘pathos’. The posters designed to evoke pity were more successful in encouraging donations. On a linked note Denise Searle notes the tension between the goal of raising money and the need to represent people with sensitivity and integrity, ‘This is an ongoing issue which divides organisational policy. Fundraising teams within an NGO tend to favour using images of suffering because of their power to procure donations, whereas NGO communication teams, looking at the wider picture, will opt for a more rounded portrayal.’
In 2002, 16 years on from the Ethiopian Famine, the VSO Live Aid Legacy Report found that 80% of the UK public still associated developing countries with the ‘images of famine, disaster and Western aid’, which had publicised the 1984/5 drought (Fox 2002: 3). This suggests that the use of negative imagery can make a lasting dent on the public psyche, resulting in an overly pessimistic and out-dated impression of the situation affecting developing countries.
On the other hand, it has been argued that visceral or distressing imagery in international development agency branding simply reflects a reality that the western public needs to face up to. In the online article Aid workers lament rise of “development pornography”, Ruth Gidley quotes development photojournalist Jenny Matthews, pointing to a picture of a tube fed baby, ‘It’s a truth. I’d stand by that’.
In addition, different international development agencies have different goals. For certain organisations negative imagery may prove to be the most appropriate means of conveying a campaign’s key message to its target audience. In an interview conducted for this article, Denise Searle, former communications director with Amnesty International and former Chief of UNICEF’s Internet, Broadcast and Image Section, explains that Amnesty International’s policy tends towards using pictures to shock. This is because the organisation’s central aim is to bring about the cessation of torture. In the article The Amnesty International Global Identity Ciaran Swan expands on this point, arguing that this objective cannot be achieved without communicating ‘the reality of physical pain to those who are not in pain’.
Perception matters because it impacts on behaviour. And central to the debate is the fact that photographs of suffering are often considered to be an effective means of encouraging western audiences to donate, although such images may not empower those depicted, or raise long-term awareness of development issues. Claire Aston, Christian Aid Scotland Media and Communications Manager, who I interviewed for this article explained:
‘Famous images of children with distended stomachs have tended to be used to depict famine and do often result in people donating money to appeal funds. However, Christian Aid does not, as a rule, use these images because they disempower the people portrayed in them.’
In the book States of Denial (2001) Stanley Cohen refers to research carried out for MENCAP. Two sets of posters were produced; one showing mentally handicapped people as capable and the other showing ‘hopelessness’ and ‘pathos’. The posters designed to evoke pity were more successful in encouraging donations. On a linked note Denise Searle notes the tension between the goal of raising money and the need to represent people with sensitivity and integrity, ‘This is an ongoing issue which divides organisational policy. Fundraising teams within an NGO tend to favour using images of suffering because of their power to procure donations, whereas NGO communication teams, looking at the wider picture, will opt for a more rounded portrayal.’
Image copyright Save the Children
Perception of the individual caught on camera
Negative images used in NGO branding will often rely on iconography drawn from dominant ‘victim’ codes, for example the innocent child, the mother with her baby, the frail old person. The use of stereotypes in branding is common practice and, as DJ Clark reasons in The Production of a Contemporary Famine Image, familiar images can be an effective means of quickly conveying a complex idea as they rely on pre-learnt knowledge. However this type of negative imagery can cause western public perception of the individual represented by an image to be stereotyped and one-dimensional. In the article Selling the Distant Other Kennedy asserts that this is because ‘victim’ imagery perpetuates deeply rooted social hierarchies that simplify complex personalities and reduce a person to the sum total of their current situation. Perceived in this limited context an individual is deprived of their ‘autonomy’ and ‘dignity’.
Birgitta Höjer (2004: 521) adds further proof to the tendency to stereotype. Her investigation to assess reactions to images of suffering found that the audience perceived women, children and the elderly as more deserving of pity than young men.
Negative images used in NGO branding will often rely on iconography drawn from dominant ‘victim’ codes, for example the innocent child, the mother with her baby, the frail old person. The use of stereotypes in branding is common practice and, as DJ Clark reasons in The Production of a Contemporary Famine Image, familiar images can be an effective means of quickly conveying a complex idea as they rely on pre-learnt knowledge. However this type of negative imagery can cause western public perception of the individual represented by an image to be stereotyped and one-dimensional. In the article Selling the Distant Other Kennedy asserts that this is because ‘victim’ imagery perpetuates deeply rooted social hierarchies that simplify complex personalities and reduce a person to the sum total of their current situation. Perceived in this limited context an individual is deprived of their ‘autonomy’ and ‘dignity’.
Birgitta Höjer (2004: 521) adds further proof to the tendency to stereotype. Her investigation to assess reactions to images of suffering found that the audience perceived women, children and the elderly as more deserving of pity than young men.
Perception of the relationship with the subject of the image
The third theme that this article will explore is the western audience’s sense of relationship with the individual(s) depicted, which is reflective of the wider association between developed and developing countries.
In the online article The Pitfalls and Consequences of Development “Pornography” Sankore argues that images of suffering send out a ‘subliminal’ message to the spectator that the relationship between ‘them and us’ is a dependent one. He also suggests ‘victim’ images imply that people in the developing world cannot survive without help from the benevolent West. The Live Aid Legacy Report (2002:6) echoes this point, asserting that negative images define developed and developing worlds through their roles as ‘powerful giver and grateful receiver.’
Cottle and Nolan (2007: 863) argue that the ‘media lens’ frames the majority world through ‘a prism of ethnocentrism and Western-led interests.’ DJ Clark expands on this theme, stating that the majority world’s ‘obsession’ with negative imagery is a legacy of a colonialist past. He claims that ‘images of too much modernity’ make the western audience uneasy as they unbalance the familiar status quo. Sankore goes further, claiming that ‘uncontextualised’ images serve to appease western guilt by showing only the result and not the cause of ‘five centuries of aggressive exploitation.’
Linked to this theme, Gidley makes the point that disaster images in Western media rarely show local people helping each other. Often the foreign aid agency is portrayed as the active ‘hero’ and the developing country as the passive ‘victim’. In reality, the majority of help in disaster situations will be local, only a small percentage of aid will come from the ‘other side of the world’.
In the online article The Pitfalls and Consequences of Development “Pornography” Sankore argues that images of suffering send out a ‘subliminal’ message to the spectator that the relationship between ‘them and us’ is a dependent one. He also suggests ‘victim’ images imply that people in the developing world cannot survive without help from the benevolent West. The Live Aid Legacy Report (2002:6) echoes this point, asserting that negative images define developed and developing worlds through their roles as ‘powerful giver and grateful receiver.’
Cottle and Nolan (2007: 863) argue that the ‘media lens’ frames the majority world through ‘a prism of ethnocentrism and Western-led interests.’ DJ Clark expands on this theme, stating that the majority world’s ‘obsession’ with negative imagery is a legacy of a colonialist past. He claims that ‘images of too much modernity’ make the western audience uneasy as they unbalance the familiar status quo. Sankore goes further, claiming that ‘uncontextualised’ images serve to appease western guilt by showing only the result and not the cause of ‘five centuries of aggressive exploitation.’
Linked to this theme, Gidley makes the point that disaster images in Western media rarely show local people helping each other. Often the foreign aid agency is portrayed as the active ‘hero’ and the developing country as the passive ‘victim’. In reality, the majority of help in disaster situations will be local, only a small percentage of aid will come from the ‘other side of the world’.
Perception of the distance from the people and events portrayed
Perception of distance is relative and the divide between developed and developing worlds can seem vast. Gidley quotes Eva Von Oelreich, head of disaster preparedness at the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies as saying: ‘We have to overcome that enormous gap that means we are much more sorry for a neighbour's dog and our neighbouring countries than those far away.’
In the book The Spectatorship of Suffering, Chouliaraki (2006) argues that news stories recounted with clinical, precise imagery, such as maps and far off shots, are easily forgettable, whereas stories including ‘rich verbal and visual narratives’, for example the high-drama, close-up reporting of 9/11, create news events that remain permanently etched in our consciousness. In other words, image choice and framing, whether on our screens or as part of NGO campaigning, can dictate the audience’s sense of emotional distance from an event.
Chouliaraki (2008:10) also points out that an audience can choose their level of involvement with pain witnessed. They can switch off the TV or close a magazine if they see an image that upsets them. Therefore negative images, seen through a media lens, on TV, on a billboard or a magazine, will never feel as close to home as real suffering, as the viewer retains the power to determine their psychological distance from a far off event.
On the other hand, an alternative viewpoint asserts that, because of their realism and immediacy, images of suffering serve a bridging function and make far off events seem closer to home. Denis Kennedy goes so far as to say that dissemination of images via advanced media technologies has the power to ‘…fundamentally alter the moral universe by shrinking the globe, implicating people in others’ suffering.’
Perception of distance is relative and the divide between developed and developing worlds can seem vast. Gidley quotes Eva Von Oelreich, head of disaster preparedness at the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies as saying: ‘We have to overcome that enormous gap that means we are much more sorry for a neighbour's dog and our neighbouring countries than those far away.’
In the book The Spectatorship of Suffering, Chouliaraki (2006) argues that news stories recounted with clinical, precise imagery, such as maps and far off shots, are easily forgettable, whereas stories including ‘rich verbal and visual narratives’, for example the high-drama, close-up reporting of 9/11, create news events that remain permanently etched in our consciousness. In other words, image choice and framing, whether on our screens or as part of NGO campaigning, can dictate the audience’s sense of emotional distance from an event.
Chouliaraki (2008:10) also points out that an audience can choose their level of involvement with pain witnessed. They can switch off the TV or close a magazine if they see an image that upsets them. Therefore negative images, seen through a media lens, on TV, on a billboard or a magazine, will never feel as close to home as real suffering, as the viewer retains the power to determine their psychological distance from a far off event.
On the other hand, an alternative viewpoint asserts that, because of their realism and immediacy, images of suffering serve a bridging function and make far off events seem closer to home. Denis Kennedy goes so far as to say that dissemination of images via advanced media technologies has the power to ‘…fundamentally alter the moral universe by shrinking the globe, implicating people in others’ suffering.’
Image copyright UNICEF
Difficulties in measuring effects of negative imagery on audience perception
Addressing the question of the impact of negative imagery on audience perception of the majority world will always be underpinned by the fact that measuring media impact cannot be done scientifically.
Firstly no two people will react in the same way to a given image. In the Review of the Code of Conduct: Images and Messages (2005: 8) argues that pictures on their own are ‘neutral’ and are defined by the interpretation of the audience translating them. Gender, class, nationality, age are amongst a multitude of considerations which shape the nature of an individual’s reaction to an image. Höjer (2004) refers to the varying emotions that a negative image may trigger. These include feeling anger towards the perpetrator, sympathy for the ‘victim’, guilt at ones own comfortable existence, and frustration at being unable to help. Her research concluded that women and the elderly tended to react with stronger feelings of compassion than men and young people, while Dee Searle has noted that audience reaction will vary from country to country. She explains that Amnesty International campaigners in Holland tend to use more visceral imagery than their British counterparts, because the Dutch are more familiar with human rights issues and therefore resilient to very graphic images of suffering.
Secondly, public perception will change over time. Chouliaraki (2008), Kennedy (2009) and Vestegaard (2008) all state that on viewing negative images the spectator has two options for positive action. They can donate, or they can speak up and campaign for longer-term change. In the short term a negative image may have a powerful effect in encouraging the audience to ‘pay’, but in the longer term overuse of shock-tactic imagery, it is argued, can lead to ‘compassion fatigue’, and a drop in donations.
Thirdly, pictures used in international development agency branding are usually part ofa larger ‘whole’, including both words and images. The Report on the Review of the Code of Conduct: Images and Messages relating to the Third World states: ‘…it is the information given that explains and contextualises the image. Without the context explained, the image may be misleading and wrongly generalised’ (McGee 2005: 8).
Addressing the question of the impact of negative imagery on audience perception of the majority world will always be underpinned by the fact that measuring media impact cannot be done scientifically.
Firstly no two people will react in the same way to a given image. In the Review of the Code of Conduct: Images and Messages (2005: 8) argues that pictures on their own are ‘neutral’ and are defined by the interpretation of the audience translating them. Gender, class, nationality, age are amongst a multitude of considerations which shape the nature of an individual’s reaction to an image. Höjer (2004) refers to the varying emotions that a negative image may trigger. These include feeling anger towards the perpetrator, sympathy for the ‘victim’, guilt at ones own comfortable existence, and frustration at being unable to help. Her research concluded that women and the elderly tended to react with stronger feelings of compassion than men and young people, while Dee Searle has noted that audience reaction will vary from country to country. She explains that Amnesty International campaigners in Holland tend to use more visceral imagery than their British counterparts, because the Dutch are more familiar with human rights issues and therefore resilient to very graphic images of suffering.
Secondly, public perception will change over time. Chouliaraki (2008), Kennedy (2009) and Vestegaard (2008) all state that on viewing negative images the spectator has two options for positive action. They can donate, or they can speak up and campaign for longer-term change. In the short term a negative image may have a powerful effect in encouraging the audience to ‘pay’, but in the longer term overuse of shock-tactic imagery, it is argued, can lead to ‘compassion fatigue’, and a drop in donations.
Thirdly, pictures used in international development agency branding are usually part ofa larger ‘whole’, including both words and images. The Report on the Review of the Code of Conduct: Images and Messages relating to the Third World states: ‘…it is the information given that explains and contextualises the image. Without the context explained, the image may be misleading and wrongly generalised’ (McGee 2005: 8).
Image copyright Christian Aid
Alternative images shaping public perception of the developing world
The use of negative imagery in international development agency branding is not static. Campaign images adapt as trends and markets dictate. Negative imagery does still feature in NGO branding, as competition for funding increases, but this imagery is not as extreme as the ‘pornographic’ pain of Ethiopian famine photographs of 25 years ago. Looking forward, images used in international development agency branding will continue to adapt, and in doing so, western audience perception of developing countries seen through a media lens, will change.
Furthermore, negative images used in NGO brand materials today are just one part of a larger picture. Emerging alternatives include use of ‘happier’ and more empowering imagery (Kennedy 2009) or purely typographic solutions which avoid image use altogether.
To quote Claire Aston, Christian Aid Communications Manager: ‘Christian Aid likes to show people as being part of the solution to the poverty of the places that they find themselves in and therefore use more constructive images in our publications and appeal letters.’
In addition, moving away from use of the usual negative clichés not only paints a fuller picture, but it is argued, also makes for a more powerful campaign. DJ Clark quotes an interview with a representative from Panos Pictures: ‘…if you come up with something very good from Africa that isn’t the romantic or pessimistic, it sells.’ Moreover, a growth in indigenous photography, as aid agencies increasingly use local staff rather than western photographers (McGee 2005: 10), has given increased power to those living in developing countries, enabling them to input creatively into the production of campaign materials (Kennedy 2009).
Lastly, new Internet technologies, allow for an increasingly diverse and interactive use of media images, which enables a more rounded portrayal of the majority world, closing distances and equalising the relationship between ‘us’and ‘them’.
The Save the Children, Kroo Bay website, for example, allows 360 degree panning of images; creating a sense of full immersion in the life of another (See Figure 3). In the online article ‘Katine offers new ways to campaign’ Glenda Cooper (2009) quotes Richard Palmer, who helped set up Kroo Bay project assaying that the main aim of both site is to: "bear witness… to show people the similarity between their ownchildren and an eight-year-old in Sierra Leone."
The use of negative imagery in international development agency branding is not static. Campaign images adapt as trends and markets dictate. Negative imagery does still feature in NGO branding, as competition for funding increases, but this imagery is not as extreme as the ‘pornographic’ pain of Ethiopian famine photographs of 25 years ago. Looking forward, images used in international development agency branding will continue to adapt, and in doing so, western audience perception of developing countries seen through a media lens, will change.
Furthermore, negative images used in NGO brand materials today are just one part of a larger picture. Emerging alternatives include use of ‘happier’ and more empowering imagery (Kennedy 2009) or purely typographic solutions which avoid image use altogether.
To quote Claire Aston, Christian Aid Communications Manager: ‘Christian Aid likes to show people as being part of the solution to the poverty of the places that they find themselves in and therefore use more constructive images in our publications and appeal letters.’
In addition, moving away from use of the usual negative clichés not only paints a fuller picture, but it is argued, also makes for a more powerful campaign. DJ Clark quotes an interview with a representative from Panos Pictures: ‘…if you come up with something very good from Africa that isn’t the romantic or pessimistic, it sells.’ Moreover, a growth in indigenous photography, as aid agencies increasingly use local staff rather than western photographers (McGee 2005: 10), has given increased power to those living in developing countries, enabling them to input creatively into the production of campaign materials (Kennedy 2009).
Lastly, new Internet technologies, allow for an increasingly diverse and interactive use of media images, which enables a more rounded portrayal of the majority world, closing distances and equalising the relationship between ‘us’and ‘them’.
The Save the Children, Kroo Bay website, for example, allows 360 degree panning of images; creating a sense of full immersion in the life of another (See Figure 3). In the online article ‘Katine offers new ways to campaign’ Glenda Cooper (2009) quotes Richard Palmer, who helped set up Kroo Bay project assaying that the main aim of both site is to: "bear witness… to show people the similarity between their ownchildren and an eight-year-old in Sierra Leone."
Concludingcomments
In discussinghow negative imagery in international development branding impacts on publicperception, the primary focus of this paper has been the viewpoint of thewestern target audience. The article has discussed how images of suffering fosteran overly negative impression of the majority world and caricaturiseindividuals portrayed, perpetuating a hierarchical relationship between thespectator and the subject of the image, and engendering sense of distance fromthe event depicted.
However to gaina fully contextualised picture of the impact of negative images in the widercontext of international development we must consider viewpoints of all threeparties involved; that is the western public, the NGO (or ‘image-maker’) andthe subject of the image.
To elaborate,the NGOs standpoint sheds light on the, sometimes conflicting, goals of raisingmoney and portraying people with dignity and accuracy. Whilst the lack ofinformation on the viewpoint of the individuals photographed, speaks volumes inits absence. It is somewhat ironic that those who are the central focus of NGOcampaigns have had little opportunity to voice how they feel about beingphotographed in pain or suffering (McGee 2005:9).
In discussinghow negative imagery in international development branding impacts on publicperception, the primary focus of this paper has been the viewpoint of thewestern target audience. The article has discussed how images of suffering fosteran overly negative impression of the majority world and caricaturiseindividuals portrayed, perpetuating a hierarchical relationship between thespectator and the subject of the image, and engendering sense of distance fromthe event depicted.
However to gaina fully contextualised picture of the impact of negative images in the widercontext of international development we must consider viewpoints of all threeparties involved; that is the western public, the NGO (or ‘image-maker’) andthe subject of the image.
To elaborate,the NGOs standpoint sheds light on the, sometimes conflicting, goals of raisingmoney and portraying people with dignity and accuracy. Whilst the lack ofinformation on the viewpoint of the individuals photographed, speaks volumes inits absence. It is somewhat ironic that those who are the central focus of NGOcampaigns have had little opportunity to voice how they feel about beingphotographed in pain or suffering (McGee 2005:9).
Toconclude although measuring the effects ofnegative images on public perception is not an exact science, and there are avariety of emerging alternatives to images of suffering in NGO campaigning,there is still a need for more concrete research into this area, to find outthe views of real audiences (Hojer 2004: 528), and the views of the subjects ofnegative imagery (McGee 2005:9). The immediacy andvisual impact of imagery hooks into public psyche in a way that words alonecannot, and for many, media images form a solitary window through whichto view the developing world. It is important therefore that their potentialpower is recognised and that they are used to paint a rounded picture of peopleand places depicted.
BibliographicReferences
Chouliaraki, L (2006). ‘Mediation and Public Life.’ The Spectatorship of Suffering Chapter1: 18-37
Chouliaraki, L (2008). ‘Distant suffering in the media.’ Inaugural Public Lecture, London School of Economics
https://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/media@lse/study/pdf/ChouliarakiLSEPublicLectureDistantSuffering.pdf (Accessed March 5, 2010)
Clark, D.J. (2004). ‘The production of acontemporary famine image: the image economy, Indigenous photographers and thecase of Mekanic Philipos.’ Journal ofInternational Development Issue 16: 693-704
Cohen S.(2001). ‘Images of Suffering’ States ofDenial Chapter 7: 169-195.
Cooper, G. (2009). ‘Katine offers new ways to campaign?’ The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/katineblog/2009/jan/30/glenda-cooper-new-media (Accessed 22 February 2010)
Cottle, S. and Nolan, D. (2007). ‘GlobalHumanitarianism and the Changing Aid-Media field’ JournalismStudies,Vol. 8, No 6: 862-878
Swan, C. (2008) ‘The AmnestyInternational Global Identity’ DesignResearch Group
http://designresearchgroup.wordpress.com/2008/08/31/the-amnesty-international-global-identity/(Accessed 10 March 2010)
Dochas, The Irish Association of NonGovernmental Development Organisations. (2006) ‘The Code of Conduct on Images andMessages’
Fox, S. (2002) ‘The Live AidLegacy. The developing world through British eyes – A research report.’ VSO
Gidley,R. (2005) ‘Aid workers lament rise of “development pornography’ AlertNet
http://www.alertnet.org/thefacts/reliefresources/112669283410.htm (Accessed February 21, 2010)
Griffiths,M. (2005) ‘Building and rebuilding charity brands: the role of creativeagencies.’ International Journal ofNonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing. Volume10 Issue 2: 121-132
Höjer,B. (2004). ‘Thediscourse of global compassion: the audience and media reporting of humansuffering.’ Media, Culture & Society, 26(4): 513-531 http://mcs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/26/4/513
Kennedy, D. (2009) ‘Selling the Distant Other:Humanitarianism and Imagery – Ethical Dilemmas of Humanitarian Action.’ The Journal of Humanitarian Assistance
http://jha.ac/2009/02/28/selling-the-distant-other-humanitarianism-and-imagery%E2%80%94ethical-dilemmas-of-humanitarian-action/
(Accessed 21 February 2010)
McGee,S. (2005) ‘Report on the Review of the Code of Conduct:Images and Messages relating to the Third World’, DóchasDevelopment Education Working Group
Sankore, R. (2005) ‘The Pitfalls andConsequences of Development “Pornography”’ http://www.globalenvision.org/library/8/766 (Accessed 5 March 2010)
Smith, M. and Yanacopulos, H. (2004) ‘The public faces of development: an introduction.’ Journal of International Development, 16:657-664
Vestergaard,A. (2008) ‘Humanitarian branding and the media. The case of AmnestyInternational’ Journal of Language and Politics.Volume 7, Number 3: 471-493
Wright, C. (2004) ‘Consuming lives,consuming landscapes: interpreting advertisements for Café Direct coffees.’ Journal of International DevelopmentIssue 16: 665-680
Interviews
Denise Searle (12 March 2010) Former communications director with Amnesty International and formerChief of UNICEF’s Internet, Broadcast and Image Section
Claire Aston (5 March 2010) Christian Aid Scotland Media andCommunications Manager
Chouliaraki, L (2006). ‘Mediation and Public Life.’ The Spectatorship of Suffering Chapter1: 18-37
Chouliaraki, L (2008). ‘Distant suffering in the media.’ Inaugural Public Lecture, London School of Economics
https://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/media@lse/study/pdf/ChouliarakiLSEPublicLectureDistantSuffering.pdf (Accessed March 5, 2010)
Clark, D.J. (2004). ‘The production of acontemporary famine image: the image economy, Indigenous photographers and thecase of Mekanic Philipos.’ Journal ofInternational Development Issue 16: 693-704
Cohen S.(2001). ‘Images of Suffering’ States ofDenial Chapter 7: 169-195.
Cooper, G. (2009). ‘Katine offers new ways to campaign?’ The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/katineblog/2009/jan/30/glenda-cooper-new-media (Accessed 22 February 2010)
Cottle, S. and Nolan, D. (2007). ‘GlobalHumanitarianism and the Changing Aid-Media field’ JournalismStudies,Vol. 8, No 6: 862-878
Swan, C. (2008) ‘The AmnestyInternational Global Identity’ DesignResearch Group
http://designresearchgroup.wordpress.com/2008/08/31/the-amnesty-international-global-identity/(Accessed 10 March 2010)
Dochas, The Irish Association of NonGovernmental Development Organisations. (2006) ‘The Code of Conduct on Images andMessages’
Fox, S. (2002) ‘The Live AidLegacy. The developing world through British eyes – A research report.’ VSO
Gidley,R. (2005) ‘Aid workers lament rise of “development pornography’ AlertNet
http://www.alertnet.org/thefacts/reliefresources/112669283410.htm (Accessed February 21, 2010)
Griffiths,M. (2005) ‘Building and rebuilding charity brands: the role of creativeagencies.’ International Journal ofNonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing. Volume10 Issue 2: 121-132
Höjer,B. (2004). ‘Thediscourse of global compassion: the audience and media reporting of humansuffering.’ Media, Culture & Society, 26(4): 513-531 http://mcs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/26/4/513
Kennedy, D. (2009) ‘Selling the Distant Other:Humanitarianism and Imagery – Ethical Dilemmas of Humanitarian Action.’ The Journal of Humanitarian Assistance
http://jha.ac/2009/02/28/selling-the-distant-other-humanitarianism-and-imagery%E2%80%94ethical-dilemmas-of-humanitarian-action/
(Accessed 21 February 2010)
McGee,S. (2005) ‘Report on the Review of the Code of Conduct:Images and Messages relating to the Third World’, DóchasDevelopment Education Working Group
Sankore, R. (2005) ‘The Pitfalls andConsequences of Development “Pornography”’ http://www.globalenvision.org/library/8/766 (Accessed 5 March 2010)
Smith, M. and Yanacopulos, H. (2004) ‘The public faces of development: an introduction.’ Journal of International Development, 16:657-664
Vestergaard,A. (2008) ‘Humanitarian branding and the media. The case of AmnestyInternational’ Journal of Language and Politics.Volume 7, Number 3: 471-493
Wright, C. (2004) ‘Consuming lives,consuming landscapes: interpreting advertisements for Café Direct coffees.’ Journal of International DevelopmentIssue 16: 665-680
Interviews
Denise Searle (12 March 2010) Former communications director with Amnesty International and formerChief of UNICEF’s Internet, Broadcast and Image Section
Claire Aston (5 March 2010) Christian Aid Scotland Media andCommunications Manager
