Reviewing the World
A review of the CBA WorldView project, international coverage and the UK media industry
A review of the CBA WorldView project, international coverage and the UK media industry
I recently co-wrote 'Reviewing the World' with Martin Scott and Charlotte Jenner. The report is an evaluation of the CBA WorldView project viewed in the context of current international coverage. My chapter of the report uses a Frames and Values approach to analyse a selection of WorldView supported films. The full report can be downloaded from here.
Below is an excerpt 'Framing Development'. This section analyses the film 'The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanisthan':
The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan is a feature length documentary that charts the transition from childhood to adulthood of an Afghan boy named Mir. In the UK it was screened under the title The Boy from Bamiyan on Channel 4 in November 2011. The perspectives of Mir and his family provide the vehicle through which the filmmaker Phil Grabsky documents changes in Afghan life between 2001 and 2010 after the retreat of the Taliban marked the end of thirty-years of civil war. We argue that the film successfully activates āuniversalismā values of equality and social justice in three ways. Firstly, the film explores universal themes, which audiences can relate to, such as family relationships and growing up. Secondly, the story is told, almost exclusively, through Afghan eyes. As such, it offers a change from the plethora of programmes about Afghanistan that focus on the experiences of western occupying forces. Thirdly, the film challenges conventional surface frames for development relating to poverty, aid and charity, as the filmās Afghan protagonists are depicted as the heroes of their own story.
The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan is a feature length documentary that charts the transition from childhood to adulthood of an Afghan boy named Mir. In the UK it was screened under the title The Boy from Bamiyan on Channel 4 in November 2011. The perspectives of Mir and his family provide the vehicle through which the filmmaker Phil Grabsky documents changes in Afghan life between 2001 and 2010 after the retreat of the Taliban marked the end of thirty-years of civil war. We argue that the film successfully activates āuniversalismā values of equality and social justice in three ways. Firstly, the film explores universal themes, which audiences can relate to, such as family relationships and growing up. Secondly, the story is told, almost exclusively, through Afghan eyes. As such, it offers a change from the plethora of programmes about Afghanistan that focus on the experiences of western occupying forces. Thirdly, the film challenges conventional surface frames for development relating to poverty, aid and charity, as the filmās Afghan protagonists are depicted as the heroes of their own story.
Universal themes
The Boy Mir: TenYears in Afghanistan triggers āuniversalismā values through exploration of common human experiences such as family relationships and growing up. It touches on the āEmpathyā surface frame that hinges on underlying values of ācommonality and compassionā. The narrative revolves around intimate glimpses of day-to-day life and focuses on the ups and downs of family relationships. These are made easy for the audience to relate to regardless of geographic location. For example, against a backdrop of poverty and destruction, we see Mirās father Abdul laughing fondly at his sonās misbehaviour. Like children the world over, Mir is told off by his mum for not studying hard enough. We hear him despair āOh no mum is angry again!ā And we witness Mirās parents bickering as financial strain weighs heavily upon both of them.
Similarly, the theme of āgrowing upā taps into another universal human experience. As a little boy Mir plays, laughs and fights with his friends. As he grows he assumes adult responsibilities; ploughing the arid land and working in a coal mine for meagre wages. āI am now a manā he says more than once. As a teenager Mir wants to be liked and is influenced by both the media and peer pressure. He sees a motorbike on television and decides to save up for one. He spends all the credit on his brotherās mobile phone and wants to ācall girls in Kabulā. Ā Although he lives in extraordinary circumstances, in many ways Mirās transition from child to teenager tells a universal story.
By focussing on our common humanity the filmmaker highlights the injustice of the grinding poverty Mirās family experiences. As Grabsky points out in an interview with television producer David Cox (2011), āthey are just like you and I and the fact that people just like you and I are eating grass in this day and age is shockingā.
The Boy Mir: TenYears in Afghanistan triggers āuniversalismā values through exploration of common human experiences such as family relationships and growing up. It touches on the āEmpathyā surface frame that hinges on underlying values of ācommonality and compassionā. The narrative revolves around intimate glimpses of day-to-day life and focuses on the ups and downs of family relationships. These are made easy for the audience to relate to regardless of geographic location. For example, against a backdrop of poverty and destruction, we see Mirās father Abdul laughing fondly at his sonās misbehaviour. Like children the world over, Mir is told off by his mum for not studying hard enough. We hear him despair āOh no mum is angry again!ā And we witness Mirās parents bickering as financial strain weighs heavily upon both of them.
Similarly, the theme of āgrowing upā taps into another universal human experience. As a little boy Mir plays, laughs and fights with his friends. As he grows he assumes adult responsibilities; ploughing the arid land and working in a coal mine for meagre wages. āI am now a manā he says more than once. As a teenager Mir wants to be liked and is influenced by both the media and peer pressure. He sees a motorbike on television and decides to save up for one. He spends all the credit on his brotherās mobile phone and wants to ācall girls in Kabulā. Ā Although he lives in extraordinary circumstances, in many ways Mirās transition from child to teenager tells a universal story.
By focussing on our common humanity the filmmaker highlights the injustice of the grinding poverty Mirās family experiences. As Grabsky points out in an interview with television producer David Cox (2011), āthey are just like you and I and the fact that people just like you and I are eating grass in this day and age is shockingā.
Afghanistan through Afghan eyes
The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan documents change in post 2001 Afghanistan as seen through the eyes of a poor, rural Afghan family. According to film critic Jules Brenner (2011) it offers a unique perspective of the countryās culture, seldom seen in the UK media. Often western media coverage of Afghanistan is synonymous with war, violence, religious extremism and foreign intervention. However The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan shifts discourse from the macro to the micro level, from an outsider to an insider viewpoint. As life in Mirās familyās village is relatively disconnected from Taliban activity the film becomes a āstudy of generalized human experienceā in which the day-to-day details of family life become āa unique way for an Afghan family of little opportunity to share their triumphs and sufferings with the larger worldā (Brenner 2011).
As blogger Kelsey Atherton (2011) puts it, Mirās narrative, as experienced through his eyes, does not adhere to āthe grand arc of struggle between the interloping Americans and the indomitable Afghan peopleā. Wider events are touched upon but they seem almost as far removed from Mirās reality as they are from most of the audienceās. For example, audio of western news reports is played over scenes of day-to-day life in Mirās community, such as a local football game. The disparity between the juxtaposed war reportage voiceover and scenes of slow-moving rural life seems incongruous. At points in the film we literally experience wider events through the eyes and ears of Mir and his family, as they listen to the news on the radio or watch developments on television. In these instances both the viewer and Mir experience countrywide developments through the prism of the media, rather than first hand. Indeed we only witness an actual military presence in Mirās community twice: at the start of the film when a helicopter casts a shadow on a hillside as it flies overhead, and in the tenth year of filming when Mir meets ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) soldiers for the first time.
Mirās encounter with international forces is narrated from his perspective. Although the soldiers arrive armed and in big trucks, Mir observes their shared humanity, āThey came out with their big guns and I was scared but I noticed they were scared tooā. This comment is telling because it reverses the conventional victim framework. Rather than ādeveloped countriesā rescuing āvictimsā of underdevelopment, here we witness a young Afghan boy expressing compassion for foreign soldiers who he senses share his fear.
The positioning of the audience in the Afghan protagonistās shoes activates the āEmpathyā frame whereby care for the poor is based on feelings of togetherness and compassion. This approach demonstrates one way in which āuniversalismā values can be activated and audiences might be encouraged engage on a deeper level with the lives of those in developing countries.
The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan documents change in post 2001 Afghanistan as seen through the eyes of a poor, rural Afghan family. According to film critic Jules Brenner (2011) it offers a unique perspective of the countryās culture, seldom seen in the UK media. Often western media coverage of Afghanistan is synonymous with war, violence, religious extremism and foreign intervention. However The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan shifts discourse from the macro to the micro level, from an outsider to an insider viewpoint. As life in Mirās familyās village is relatively disconnected from Taliban activity the film becomes a āstudy of generalized human experienceā in which the day-to-day details of family life become āa unique way for an Afghan family of little opportunity to share their triumphs and sufferings with the larger worldā (Brenner 2011).
As blogger Kelsey Atherton (2011) puts it, Mirās narrative, as experienced through his eyes, does not adhere to āthe grand arc of struggle between the interloping Americans and the indomitable Afghan peopleā. Wider events are touched upon but they seem almost as far removed from Mirās reality as they are from most of the audienceās. For example, audio of western news reports is played over scenes of day-to-day life in Mirās community, such as a local football game. The disparity between the juxtaposed war reportage voiceover and scenes of slow-moving rural life seems incongruous. At points in the film we literally experience wider events through the eyes and ears of Mir and his family, as they listen to the news on the radio or watch developments on television. In these instances both the viewer and Mir experience countrywide developments through the prism of the media, rather than first hand. Indeed we only witness an actual military presence in Mirās community twice: at the start of the film when a helicopter casts a shadow on a hillside as it flies overhead, and in the tenth year of filming when Mir meets ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) soldiers for the first time.
Mirās encounter with international forces is narrated from his perspective. Although the soldiers arrive armed and in big trucks, Mir observes their shared humanity, āThey came out with their big guns and I was scared but I noticed they were scared tooā. This comment is telling because it reverses the conventional victim framework. Rather than ādeveloped countriesā rescuing āvictimsā of underdevelopment, here we witness a young Afghan boy expressing compassion for foreign soldiers who he senses share his fear.
The positioning of the audience in the Afghan protagonistās shoes activates the āEmpathyā frame whereby care for the poor is based on feelings of togetherness and compassion. This approach demonstrates one way in which āuniversalismā values can be activated and audiences might be encouraged engage on a deeper level with the lives of those in developing countries.
Challenging conventional frames for development
The Boy Mir: TenYears in Afghanistan touches on development issues such as poverty, the plight of refugees and gender inequalities. The long-term perspective of the film and the intimate portraits of the key characters serve to āpersonalise development conceptsā and āgive each a name and a storyā (Camp 2011). The way in which these issues are portrayed challenges the surface framing traditionally associated with international development. This section will discuss the āPovertyā and āCharityā surface frames to illustrate this point.
To firstly consider the āPovertyā frame, which views the issue of concern as āpoverty often to the exclusion of interrelated issuesā. Poverty is indeed a constant theme in the film. Mirās family are forced to eat cow tripe that the butcher has thrown away in order to survive. At the start of the film, as refugees, they live in a cave. When they move back to their village they work in a dangerous coalmine, as this is their only means of earning a living. However, poverty is not viewed as removed from wider issues. Throughout the film education is framed as holding the key to liberation from hardship. Mir experiences a constant tug between work, for the short-term survival of his family and school as a means of improving his long-term prospects. His father Abdul has mixed emotions on the subject: āWhen you have food then you can go to schoolā. But his brother Khushdel who laments his own illiteracy is constant in encouraging Mir to further his education: āIāve told you a thousand times, this is all about your future, not mine. I am illiterate. I did not go to school. That's why Iāve ended up digging coal in a mountain which could collapse at any minute.ā
The āCharityā frame positions development NGOs as conduits through which money is donated to the poor. The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan however, challenges conventional notions of charity. When aid is delivered to villagers who scramble for clothes being handed out, Mirās mother refuses to take the clothing and chastises her neighbours; āshame on you for behaving like beggars!ā Mirās family hope to be given one of a hundred houses being built by an NGO for Bamiyan cave dwellers but they arenāt allocated one and in this instance fall through the net of charity. Towards the end of the film Mir scoffs at the ineffectiveness of notebooks given out by soldiers visiting his village, pointing out that he could afford to buy them himself. In short Mirās family do not fit the āvictimā framework often associated with the portrayal of poor people in development communications. They are the heroes of their own story. Their humour and resilience shines throughout the film as exemplified in the scene in which Khushdel dances with his friends as they work in a coalmine (āit might be a mine but we still need to entertain ourselvesā). Mirās hopeful comment āI want to carry on with my studies and become a headmaster or presidentā sums up his optimism in spite of the difficulties he faces.
In summary, the dominant surface frames throughout the film are theāEmpathyā and āSocial Justiceā rather than the more disempowering āPovertyā orāCharityā frames. In terms of deep frames the filmās focus on intimate portraits of people āwho are just like you or Iā evokes the āNon-Hierarchical Structuresā frame with its emphasis on equality. TheāParticipatory Democracyā frame is also evident in the sense that the survival of Mirās family comes across as being the result of their hard work, cooperation and ingenuity. In essence the film activates āuniversalismā values by focussing on the commonalities of human experience, viewed from an Afghan perspective, and by avoiding the āvictimā framework often observed in communications relating to international development.
The Boy Mir: TenYears in Afghanistan touches on development issues such as poverty, the plight of refugees and gender inequalities. The long-term perspective of the film and the intimate portraits of the key characters serve to āpersonalise development conceptsā and āgive each a name and a storyā (Camp 2011). The way in which these issues are portrayed challenges the surface framing traditionally associated with international development. This section will discuss the āPovertyā and āCharityā surface frames to illustrate this point.
To firstly consider the āPovertyā frame, which views the issue of concern as āpoverty often to the exclusion of interrelated issuesā. Poverty is indeed a constant theme in the film. Mirās family are forced to eat cow tripe that the butcher has thrown away in order to survive. At the start of the film, as refugees, they live in a cave. When they move back to their village they work in a dangerous coalmine, as this is their only means of earning a living. However, poverty is not viewed as removed from wider issues. Throughout the film education is framed as holding the key to liberation from hardship. Mir experiences a constant tug between work, for the short-term survival of his family and school as a means of improving his long-term prospects. His father Abdul has mixed emotions on the subject: āWhen you have food then you can go to schoolā. But his brother Khushdel who laments his own illiteracy is constant in encouraging Mir to further his education: āIāve told you a thousand times, this is all about your future, not mine. I am illiterate. I did not go to school. That's why Iāve ended up digging coal in a mountain which could collapse at any minute.ā
The āCharityā frame positions development NGOs as conduits through which money is donated to the poor. The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan however, challenges conventional notions of charity. When aid is delivered to villagers who scramble for clothes being handed out, Mirās mother refuses to take the clothing and chastises her neighbours; āshame on you for behaving like beggars!ā Mirās family hope to be given one of a hundred houses being built by an NGO for Bamiyan cave dwellers but they arenāt allocated one and in this instance fall through the net of charity. Towards the end of the film Mir scoffs at the ineffectiveness of notebooks given out by soldiers visiting his village, pointing out that he could afford to buy them himself. In short Mirās family do not fit the āvictimā framework often associated with the portrayal of poor people in development communications. They are the heroes of their own story. Their humour and resilience shines throughout the film as exemplified in the scene in which Khushdel dances with his friends as they work in a coalmine (āit might be a mine but we still need to entertain ourselvesā). Mirās hopeful comment āI want to carry on with my studies and become a headmaster or presidentā sums up his optimism in spite of the difficulties he faces.
In summary, the dominant surface frames throughout the film are theāEmpathyā and āSocial Justiceā rather than the more disempowering āPovertyā orāCharityā frames. In terms of deep frames the filmās focus on intimate portraits of people āwho are just like you or Iā evokes the āNon-Hierarchical Structuresā frame with its emphasis on equality. TheāParticipatory Democracyā frame is also evident in the sense that the survival of Mirās family comes across as being the result of their hard work, cooperation and ingenuity. In essence the film activates āuniversalismā values by focussing on the commonalities of human experience, viewed from an Afghan perspective, and by avoiding the āvictimā framework often observed in communications relating to international development.
ReferencesĀ
Brenner, J. (2011) The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan. [Online] Available at: http://www.filmcritic.com/reviews/2011/the-boy-mir-ten-years-in-afghanistan/[accessed 13 February 2012]
Camp, K. (2011) Filmmaker Phil Grabsky Presents āThe Boy MirTen Years in Afghanistanā. [Online] Available at: https://www.gspia.pitt.edu/AboutGSPIA/News/ViewArticle/tabid/134/ArticleId/1410/Filmmaker-Phil-Grabsky-Presents-The-Boy-Mir-Ten-Years-in-Afghanistan.aspx[accessed 15 February 2012]
Crompton, T. (2010) Common Cause: The Case for Working with our Cultural Values. WWF-UK.
Cox, D. (2011) The Boy Mir: Exclusive interview with Phil Grabsky. [Online] Available at: http://www.heyuguys.co.uk/2011/10/19/the-boy-mir-exclusive-interview-with-film-maker-phil-grabsky/ [accessed 13 February 2012]
Darnton, A., and Kirk, M. (2011) Finding Frames: New ways to engage the UK public in global poverty.Ā BOND Report.
Fairclough, N. (2003) Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. London: Routledge.
Holmes, T., Blackmore, E., Hawkins, R. and Wakeford, T. (2011) The Common Cause Handbook. Public Interest Research Centre.
Van Leeuwen T. and Jewitt C. (2001) Handbook of Visual Analysis. London: SAGE.
VSO (2001) The Live Aid Legacy: The developing world through British eyes ā A research report.
Grabsky, P. (2011) The Boy Mir http://www.theboymir.com/
Atherton, K. D. (2011) Life During Wartime: A Review of The Boy Mir. [Online] Available at: http://kelseydatherton.wordpress.com/2011/11/19/life-during-wartime-a-review-of-the-boy-mir/[accessed 15 February 2012]
Brenner, J. (2011) The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan. [Online] Available at: http://www.filmcritic.com/reviews/2011/the-boy-mir-ten-years-in-afghanistan/[accessed 13 February 2012]
Camp, K. (2011) Filmmaker Phil Grabsky Presents āThe Boy MirTen Years in Afghanistanā. [Online] Available at: https://www.gspia.pitt.edu/AboutGSPIA/News/ViewArticle/tabid/134/ArticleId/1410/Filmmaker-Phil-Grabsky-Presents-The-Boy-Mir-Ten-Years-in-Afghanistan.aspx[accessed 15 February 2012]
Crompton, T. (2010) Common Cause: The Case for Working with our Cultural Values. WWF-UK.
Cox, D. (2011) The Boy Mir: Exclusive interview with Phil Grabsky. [Online] Available at: http://www.heyuguys.co.uk/2011/10/19/the-boy-mir-exclusive-interview-with-film-maker-phil-grabsky/ [accessed 13 February 2012]
Darnton, A., and Kirk, M. (2011) Finding Frames: New ways to engage the UK public in global poverty.Ā BOND Report.
Fairclough, N. (2003) Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. London: Routledge.
Holmes, T., Blackmore, E., Hawkins, R. and Wakeford, T. (2011) The Common Cause Handbook. Public Interest Research Centre.
Van Leeuwen T. and Jewitt C. (2001) Handbook of Visual Analysis. London: SAGE.
VSO (2001) The Live Aid Legacy: The developing world through British eyes ā A research report.
Grabsky, P. (2011) The Boy Mir http://www.theboymir.com/